The Way Forward

The following submission was written by a member of the National Unity Government. For safety reasons the author has requested anonymity. This is the latest essay in a series of reflections, and the first submission can be read here.

The decision to not expel or rein in known and documented criminals is immoral, it flies in the face of the NUG’s stated values, and it undermines the revolution strategically.

In light of this, we should be deeply concerned that the motto of the revolution has become အလှည့်ကျ မနွဲ့စတမ်း (“now it's our turn”). Many on social media and many within the revolution have echoed this sentiment. That just as the military has brutalised and violated Myanmar for decades, now the revolution has the moral right to do unto the military as the military did unto their families and communities. The simple fact of the matter is that while many revel in the sight of Tatmadaw soldiers being killed and beaten, these acts are what drives new recruits to violent pro-junta paramilitaries, and prolongs the revolution.

We can accept that war is, by its very nature, a dark and grotesque thing, loathsome and detestable to humanity. The fact that war crimes are being committed, regardless of who the perpetrators are, is horrific, but it is an inevitable consequence of the continuation of this bloody conflict. The best cure for war crimes is a swift and decisive end to the war.

However this cannot and must not excuse inaction on the part of the leadership of the PDF, EAO's, or the NUG itself in response to war crimes. There is a long standing custom in Burmese politics to initially ignore issues when they arise. When the people will no longer accept ignorance, the issue must be denied. When the people will no longer accept denial, the issue must be downplayed. When the people are angry, blame must be shifted, and when the people demand answers, their very motivations must be called into question. A public figure should remain aloof of public concerns, and the public should not be so presumptuous as to involve itself in political affairs. And above all, under no circumstances must a public figure accept or admit error.

It is unfortunate that this mentality, to some extent, continues to pervade the upper echelons of the NUG and indeed much of Myanmar society itself. The people as a whole must demand better from their government. This is after all, the very purpose of democracy. And those who do raise their voices, must be able to do so without fear of being labelled dalan or accused of undermining the revolution. We cannot succeed if we cannot be honest with ourselves. If we cannot stand by our principles.

Investigations which lead to no action, a general silence in the fact of mounting evidence, and the lack of capacity or will to remove known criminals from positions of power and leadership are all inexcusable failures of the highest order. A commander in a time of war must make decisions between bad and worse. It is an unenviable position. But the decision to not expel or rein in known and documented criminals is immoral, it flies in the face of the NUG's stated values, and it undermines the revolution strategically. Far more must be done to openly acknowledge crimes when they have occurred, to admit fault, to censure and condemn criminals, and to lay out a clear and transparent road map for justice. Far more must be done by people to engage with and to put pressure on the NUG and their allies. Far more must be done by all to call out and condemn war crimes – no matter who commits them. Only in this way can the SAC's global strategy be preempted, only in this way can the revolution continue to fight for genuine principles of justice and freedom, only in this way can we hope to win the support of the international community, and only in this way can we hope for a decisive and imminent victory.

Shwe Lan Ga LayComment