Navigating the Maze
Nway has a long-standing relationship with the National League for Democracy (NLD), rooted in personal commitment and family legacy. He talked to us on a podcast earlier this year, and tells how he began working with the NLD as a young man, motivated by his mother’s belief in democracy and the need for one of her children to support Aung San Suu Kyi. Nway actively participated in the party's activities during pivotal moments, including the successful elections in 2012 and 2015 when the NLD gained significant political power. Despite the NLD's electoral successes, he remained critical of the military's ongoing influence within the political system, particularly regarding the 2008 constitution, which he viewed as a barrier to true democracy. Following the military coup in 2021, Nway shifted his focus from traditional political processes to grassroots resistance, acknowledging the NLD's role while emphasizing the need for broader societal engagement in the fight against military rule. His experiences illustrate the complexities of the NLD's evolution and its relationship with the Burmese people amidst ongoing political struggles.
“I understood at an early age that if anyone wants to contribute in political change in Myanmar, they would have to live in Yangon and join the NLD.”
“For me, NLD represents Burmese society. By this, I mean Burmese people feels respected and valued by NLD and Aung Sann Suu Kyi. Under the dictatorship rule, the military junta and the government workers basically treat civilians like slaves without any value and no signs of respect are given to any civilians unless they can provide the military with benefits. This is why bribery is rampant everywhere in Myanmar, even in getting basic human amenities such as getting identity card, to buy car, get driver license, and even to get into a good school. Although bribing is normalized in Burmese society, people actually hate it. For instance, around 1993, in seventh grade, I went to a national bank to save money for a bike. At that time, private banks did not exist in Myanmar. My mother gave me allowance every month to save up for a bike, and told me to deposit the money into a bank account. When I got to the bank, the bank officer immediately asked me pay him a fine before any services were provided to me. I did not know how to pay the fine. Instantly, the officer scolded me and rudely rejected my wish to create a bank account after I (rightly so as a customer) demanded respect from them. You would never hear or see something like this in a Western society or a democratic society. Here in Burma, most government employees are arrogant and think civilians as their slave, not customers. Another example of injustice and disrespect from them would be the disruptive use of military privileges on the city roads. Whenever I visited Bogyoke market, Sule pagoda, and People’s Park in Yangon, the bus I take would suddenly stop on the roadside to wait for the military generals’ cars to pass by. As you can see, disrespect and corruption are main traits of the Burmese military junta.
In spite some of the political mistakes Aung San Suu Kyi has made in her governing years, I and all people in Burma know in our heart that she is not corrupted like the military generals. Aung Sann Suu Kyi respects the people of Burma and this is why we support her. We all wishes for a democratic leader that is not corrupted. As for me, I understood at an early age that if anyone wants to contribute in political change in Myanmar, they would have to live in Yangon and join the NLD.
The executive membership of NLD has progressively become diverse throughout the years. When it first started out, aside from Daw Aung Sann Suu Kyi, most of NLD executive members were from the military, and they were either retired generals or were disliked by the previous military leaders U Ne Win or U Than Shwe. After 2012, the executive members of NLD composed more leaders from civilian background and lesser military generals. Then, by 2015, all the executive members of NLD were civilians except from U Win Htein. For instance, U Win Myint is a lawyer, Dr. San Myint Maung is doctor, U Nyan Win is a lawyer and Daw Nan Khin Htwe Myint is an ordinary citizen. It appears that NLD leadership has gradually gone to the hands of civilians which is good for the country. Now, the NUG is made up of a group of lawmakers and members of the parliament ousted by the 2021 Myanmar coup, and they all come from different ethnic, cultural and religious backgrounds. We have a Kachin Vice President, Karen ministers and Chin politicians. So, the way NUG has been organized is very diverse.
In conclusion, the NLD committee began mostly with military generals and Aung Sann Suu Kyi in 1988. In 2012 and 2013, the civilian members such as lawyers and doctors outweigh the military members. After the 2021 coup, younger and more culturally diverse leaders began taking part in the Myanmar political scene. This is how NLD represents Myanmar society – civilian leaderships from different cultural, religion, ethnic backgrounds.”