Episode #250: A Critical Junction
“I had the pleasure to see many things develop,” Rosalia Sciortino shares. “Not always for the better, but this [becomes a] privilege when you stay for a long time in the region. The challenge for Myanmar is the fight for democracy, which has always been my passion. I believe in social justice.”
Rosalia, known as Lia by her friends and colleagues, has been working in Southeast Asia, and on Myanmar in particular, with the Ford Foundation, and then as Regional Director with Development Research Centre (IDRC). In these various positions she funded a variety of programs in Myanmar over the years, in such diverse fields as health, education, agriculture, and gender, among other sectors. Lia is currently the Founder and Executive Director of SEA Junction, located in the Bangkok Arts and Cultural Centre (BACC). Their mission statement reads: “Our aim is to foster understanding and appreciation of Southeast Asia in all socio-cultural dimensions—from arts and crafts to the economy and development—by enhancing public access to knowledge resources and by promoting exchanges among students, specialists and Southeast Asia lovers. SEA Junction contributes to these objectives as a public venue and informal space on Southeast Asia where people with an interest in the region’s art, culture and societies can meet, share information, consult available resource, and read related literature at their leisure.”
Taking advantage of BACC’s convenient location and splendid architecture, SEA Junction has hosted a number of Myanmar-themed events over the years that reflect recent developments. For example, they offered a program on the Rohingya crisis when that was heating up, and on the consequences of the Chinese pipeline when BRI was gaining attention. “I think it is extremely powerful to reach a general public that doesn’t know much about the situation, and also hopefully [bring out an] awareness and empathy in people.” Following the 2021 military coup, SEA Junction has stepped up their focus on Myanmar, and now hosts regular talks and seminars, which feature guests presenting on various topics. They have brought a similar spirit to their other events, from evocative exhibitions on women's roles in the revolution, to poignant showcases about refugee life at the border, to protest art shows, to the profound societal impacts of COVID-19, all connected to the themes of political resistance and social equality.
Through her many years of advocacy in the region, Lia sees an unfortunate thread connecting Myanmar to other countries in the region. “The issue of impunity, unfortunately, is very present in Indonesia, as it is present in Thailand, as it is present in Myanmar,” she says. “Part of the problem is that these countries have never dealt with the past, and have never brought justice to victims of abuses.” Where Indonesia was once presented as a kind of tentative example of democratic reforms that Myanmar could emulate—transitioning to a military that deferred to Parliament and an elected leader—recent elections there have left many concerned that Indonesia could be sliding back to older models, illustrating just how difficult it is to really move on from the past. This is why this current moment in Myanmar is so important, not just for the Burmese people, but for neighboring countries as well. “If Myanmar manages to indeed win, this battle eventually will be a significant example for other countries in the region. As you know, Thailand, as well, the Philippines, they're all struggling at this moment with the issue of democracy.”
Lia notes how she has been able to “interact with Myanmar people, Myanmar organizations and donors, the UN as well as academic communities” over the years in her diverse roles. She says wryly, “That’s a privilege of being elderly, right? You see how these faces change.” Her experience and observations over the years have given her a broad perspective on the current situation, and she is optimistic even now in 2024. While she sees it’s the same old story of the military retaining power and trying to oppress everyone else, she also detects greater solidarity among the different ethnic groups, and optimism for a brighter future, than ever before. She has been inspired to see activists from the LGBTQUI+ community not only active in the struggle, but “on the frontlines [and] at great risk,” given the dangers of sexual violence, and the homo- and transphobia of the regime. As Lia spent years supporting the rights of civil unions, as well as supporting those living with HIV/AIDS, this has been a silver lining in the coup for her.
SEA Junction has been actively encouraging greater inclusion in all parts of the resistance movement. For example, they have called out “Manels”, or pro-democracy panels that feature a line-up of all-male voices. “Of course, it's a process,” she acknowledges. “All over the world still, there is not full equality or full inclusion, but what I liked from the beginning of the Spring Revolution is that it was very clear that for the new Burma, anti-patriarchy is an integral part of it, and the new Burma cannot be patriarchal! So gender equity and social inclusion are an integral part of the new Burma, the democratic Burma of the future.” She notes that other countries in the region did not align their respective democratic movements with an emphasis on inclusion, and so the dynamics of the Burmese movement could positively impact the entire region.
Lia would also like to see greater engagement from other Southeast Asian governments. “ASEAN is useless,” she says simply, adding that Indonesia has already taken steps towards having its Ministry of Foreign Affairs reach out to the regime, “as if nothing has happened.” As for Thailand, she has been pleased that the Myanmar crisis is finally seeming to get more attention among Thai leaders and media, particularly the Move Forward party, but concerned that their humanitarian assistance continues to go through military channels.
Turning her attention to the many Burmese now fleeing to Thailand, Lia identifies several groups. One includes those migrants who send remittances and face severe risks due to their temporary status, which could lead to deportation. There are also well-recognized political prisoners and activists, who hope to be relocated to a third country as soon as Thailand allows it. Another group includes members of the Civil Disobedience Movement, who mostly congregate in Mae Sot or Chiang Mai. Migrants in Thailand for studies is yet another, and there are also migrants just looking to survive. She stresses that many Burmese now trying to get by in Thailand were never really activists per se, but simply joined a protest here or there or showed general support for CDM, which put them in the crosshairs of a brutal regime, and forced them to flee across the border to safety. “If you see the history of the demonstrations, the first day was a lot of creativity and art,” she says, recounting the scene around Yangon in the days and weeks following the February 2021 coup. “We had all these comics, fantastic creativity, but then it started to turn bloody, and that is something which many did not necessarily expect. And then of course, they had to run.”
Lia notes that while interpersonal relations between Thais and Burmese are generally positive, institutional or structural discrimination does occur. Economic impacts are evident, such as rising rents in areas with many newcomers, though there are also positive effects like increased food availability, particularly in Chiang Mai where community integration is more pronounced. However, Burmese refugees in Thailand face significant personal challenges, including living far from family, concerns about family safety back in Myanmar; and if they had been politically active, the additional dilemma of whether to stay hidden or possibly be recognized. Initially, there was optimism about a quick return to Myanmar, but as time has passed, many have settled into the realization that returning soon is unlikely, leading to a sense of depression among some.
Lia hopes that more people will tune in and become involved. “There is a shortage of international community attention, and unfortunately, they have abdicated the management of this to ASEAN,” she says, adding that because ASEAN has not met its responsibility, the international community should have “remained active and implemented all kinds of sanctions and embargoes and stopped the sale of arms. There is a lot of work to be done internationally! But at the same time, we can see that the people of Myanmar really engage, and this is why I think is a fantastic example for the rest of the region.”