Episode #146: Behind ASEAN’s Closed Doors (Bonus Shorts)
“ASEAN [Association of Southeast Asian Nations] does not like too much posturing or megaphone messaging,” says Calvin Khoe, the Co-Director of Foreign Policy Community of Indonesia (FPCI), in which he speaks about ASEAN’s and Indonesia’s role in the Myanmar conflict. “We avoid photo ops, and conversations [brought] to the public which contains a lot of sensitive, ongoing discussions. We prefer to approach political situations in the backstage, behind the curtain.”
In line with the above, Khoe expects ASEAN to be engaging in detailed conversations with a wide range of actors within Myanmar in its efforts to seek a resolution to the conflict, and he explains that any such meetings should not be rushed by outside parties. He criticizes Westerners who he feels are unfamiliar with ASEAN’s protocols (and Asian culture in general) and push too aggressively for progress. Khoe argues that these closed-door dialogs must be given the more time to yield results, and that the world must patiently wait and support the process as it plays out. “This is a very Southeast Asian way of seeing [the situation],” he adds. He also believes that given their geographic proximity, Beijing and New Delhi should be given a seat at the table.
To Khoe, the need for private dialogue also informs his perhaps controversial opinion that it is inappropriate even to publicly chastise the Tatmadaw for what many see as clear human rights infractions, which include charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity. He describes it as the kind of sensitive topic that should only be addressed behind closed doors. Perhaps even more controversially, Khoe insists that discussions on the future of the country must involve the SAC (State Administration Council), as well as the NUG (National Unity Government) and various EAOs (Ethnic Armed Organizations), as “we should understand the feelings of all actors in Myanmar.” In line with this view, Khoe condemns any talk of sanctions, which he sees (perhaps correctly) as punishing the military regime, but also having the result of imperiling the ASEAN-led conversations on which he places so much hope.
While acknowledging the rising death toll, Khoe points out that ASEAN was not designed to contemplate the possibility of interventions. “ASEAN is a leader-driven organization. It's a very elitist organization,” he says, which is why be believes that it is the respective leaders alone who should be meeting directly. He hopes that military commanders, along those from the democratic movement, will consider coming to Jakarta, as he sees Indonesia as a “big brother” member of ASEAN that could facilitate this kind of discussion.
In lieu of in-person meetings, FPCI has been hosting online forums, and their recently organized “Global Town Hall 2022” panel made big headlines. Along with such noted speakers as former UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon, former Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd and current US Assistant Secretary of State Daniel Kritenbrink among many others, they invited two representatives of the NUG to participate in their attempt to broker a fruitful dialog. However—amazingly—the United Nations condemned the inclusion of the NUG members and requested their removal, complaining that FPCI was “taking sides” in the conflict. For his part, Khoe makes clear that in his opinion, invitations to a panel in no way indicated legitimization of one actor over another.
Many democracy supporters have expressed acute fears that the military-led elections proposed this year will further strengthen the junta’s position, but Khoe firmly believes they should be held, even while admitting it is unclear if the NUG will be able to participate. Addressing concerns that such an election would likely not be free and fair, and thus provide a false legitimacy to the junta, Khoe notes that ASEAN and Indonesia could help oversee any elections. And he argues that there is simply no better option. “I want to ask you guys, what else? What are the options if not going through that process? What we can do is to help and make sure the process is going well and minimizing of what we are very worried about.”
In analyzing how ASEAN views the military takeover in Myanmar, Khoe begins by sharing the role of the Indonesian military, which he explains was formed before the nation gained independence. “So technically, my military organization was born before the country was born!” he says. “So that's the point, this feeling of ownership, the feeling of the main actor that unites the whole country, and secures the motherland, is the military. So that's what I see and feel in Indonesia… how the military sees themselves.” Khoe suggests that eventually, the Indonesian military did seek to reform itself, and ensured that the government was led by elected civilians—a development he wishes for in Myanmar. Most Southeast Asian countries have strong militaries, and Khoe believes that outside countries do not appreciate the local context and history of the region, and the traditional role that militaries play in that part of the world. This is also why he insists that the Tatmadaw does have a role in deciding the future of the country. And despite the widespread violence of the past two years carried out by the Tatmadaw, Khoe believes it should still have its rightful place in the country’s future.
“We want to see Myanmar becoming a well-functioning government, as it was,” Khoe says in the way of summary, although it is not clear to what past period he is referring. “I want to see democracy flourish in Myanmar. But please never discount ASEAN's efforts. ASEAN is not standing still, like just sitting down and watching. We do in a way how we do it. Please give us trust.”