Right into the Danger Zone
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A defector of the Myanmar Air Force, Myint Wai reveals a chilling anecdote: “Poison gas was being used by the military when I was a soldier.” His affirmation exposes a deeply troubling aspect of the military’s conduct - and one of the reasons for his defection.
A native of Kawa Township in the Bago Region of Myanmar, Myint Wai has led an extraordinary life journey. His path took him from the ranks of the Myanmar Air Force to the forefront of the pro-democracy movement and ultimately to the establishment of an educational institution for Burmese migrants in Thailand. His narrative, spanning decades of political turmoil and personal sacrifice, offers a unique perspective on Myanmar’s nuanced history and the enduring spirit of its people.
During his formative years, he held a youthful ambition to enroll in the Defence Services Academy (DSA). This aspiration, he explains, was partly fueled by encouragement from his aunt, who had resettled in the United States from Burma. However, his path diverged, leading him to join the Myanmar Air Force in 1979. This decision marked the beginning of a career that would eventually lead him down a path of dissent and activism.
His initial hopes and expectations of military life differed from the reality, particularly in the context of Myanmar’s evolving political landscape. Besides the use of poison gas as a tool of war, he also speaks about the internal dynamics of the military. “There is no fairness in the army in terms of deployment. I got in by some favor. Some people, because of their background, got into the Air Force for free,” he admits. He notes the stark disparities within the military community, with some benefiting from privileged access to wealth and resources while the general population struggled.
Despite his military duties, Myint Wai pursued a Bachelor's degree in Economics over the course of four years. He speaks of the significant number of educated Burmese within the Air Force at the time, with many continuing or having already completed their studies. His pursuit of university education and interactions across various departments broadened his understanding of societal grievances.
Even during the beginning of his career, airstrikes were carried out by the Myanmar Air Force against civilian populations and ethnic communities. Myint Wai expresses his disapproval of such tactics, stating unequivocally, “I am against that! I didn’t understand the soldiers in the Air Force then.” However, he suggests that the severity of the ammunition used then was less intense than what is being reported currently.
The year 1988 was marked by the momentous democracy movement led by Aung San Suu Kyi, and a surge of resistance against military rule that swept through Myanmar. During this time, Myint Wai recalls how there was a growing awareness within the military ranks of the people’s suffering. His decision to join the democracy movement of 1988 was a turning point, made in response to the mass protests, the military’s crackdown and the urgent moral reckoning forced upon him and some of his fellow soldiers. “We knew that the people among the army were not fair. When we, the military officers, were trying to demonstrate, General Ne Win spoke against us on the radio, on the television, about the dissent of some people in the Air Force. We were upset about this so after that we decided to leave the Air Force. I believe nearly 80 officers out of 1000 soldiers decided to leave,” he recounts.
Having dedicated almost a decade to military service, a move to leave posed considerable danger, and came with the highest of risk. So also, the decision to abandon the only life he had known and join the burgeoning democracy movement was life-altering for Myint Wai. He explains that his years of experience and expertise within the military became a powerful symbol when he chose to align himself with the people’s aspirations. “At the time, we had experience, we had expertise. It became a statement,” he says.
“We organized the guns,” he continues, referring to the coordination of military weapons by defected military officers to be used in protests against the junta. However, a significant turning point occurred when the NLD, under Aung San Suu Kyi’s leadership, refused to permit the protestors to utilize these weapons, instructing that they actually instead be returned to the military. Reflecting on this decision, Myint Wai admits, “We were not happy, but we had to listen,” acknowledging the authority and strategic considerations of the NLD leadership.
With the military junta’s brutal suppression of the democracy movement and NLD members being arrested or forced into hiding, many defected Burmese military personnel fled to the Thai-Burma border and shifted strategy, training Burmese students in armed resistance, often in collaboration with various ethnic armed organizations, laying the groundwork for what Myint Wai calls the original People’s Defence Force (PDF). When asked about the NLD’s relationship with this armed wing, he clarifies that they officially did not support it, although he suggests that their leadership was aware of these activities and while tacitly condoning them, chose not to openly endorse them.
Myint Wai also touches upon a period of discord within the All Burma Students’ Democratic Front (ABSDF), an umbrella organization for student activists. He refers to a split involving his group, explaining that while their aim was to improve the military capabilities of the resistance through training on the border, a former military figure within a Mon state area was reportedly mistreating the local population, causing friction and undermining their efforts. He attributes the lack of success of the initial resistance efforts to a confluence of factors, most notably a severe case of military infiltration in Kachin state, where “nearly 100 people were spying for the military,” leading to widespread accusations, arrests, and brutal suppression of the civilian population.
Additionally, there were internal disagreements and power struggles within the movement. “The leadership were arguing with each other, which is also why we felt the support from people inside Burma decreased,” he concludes.
Following his time at Three Pagodas Pass, a strategically important area on the Thai-Myanmar border, Myint Wai eventually relocated to Thailand. He explains that this decision was partly influenced by pressure from his colleagues who didn’t want to continue the revolution on the border. “It was a difficult situation for former military personnel who were trying to train civilians. So finally, I resigned,” he says.
Although he initially went to Thailand with the expectation that they would continue the fight against the Burmese military from there, he faced further pressure to completely disengage from the revolutionary activities. “I left the revolution around December 1991. What can I say? The feeling was so bad,” he shares, revealing the emotional toll of this decision to leave the resistance on the border.
In Thailand, Myint Wai embarked on a new chapter, working with student groups and people gathering before joining the staff of the Thai Action Committee for Democracy, a Thai-allied human rights organization that supported Burmese refugees and migrants. Recognizing the educational needs of Burmese migrant children, who often lacked access to Thai schools, he initiated a pilot project in 1997, leading to the establishment of a school that taught Thai and English to children of Burmese migrants in Thailand.
He also spearheaded efforts to provide Thai language training for adult migrants, addressing the communication barriers that often left them vulnerable to abuse and exploitation. “In one area where many fishermen and workers work, we noticed the workers were trying to organize language training. As they sometimes are abused as they cannot talk [in Thai] - there is no one to translate. Considering this, we started teaching Thai to adults too,” he explains, drawing attention to the practical necessity of these language skills for integration and safety.
He notes the important role of this school in guiding the Burmese students on how to navigate Thai society and the workplace. “Because we teach Thai, the students are guided to work with the Thai people, how to talk to them and deal with them. That way, the students are able to respond in difficult situations,” he explains.
In 2002, his own school was launched, which remarkably continues to operate today as DEAR Burma Academy. Initially a small child-center modeled based on Thai education styles with a Burmese touch, the school also became a hub for student activism. However, it faced significant pressure from the Thai government, influenced by the Burmese regime, leading to its temporary shutdown.
Undeterred, Myint Wai and his colleagues initiated teacher training programs, which led to the reopening of the school. He describes the initial challenges of managing classes with limited resources and a single teacher, eventually advocating for the establishment of separate classes. Through this, they also navigated tensions between different ethnic groups within the school’s management.
The school eventually was registered as a foundation in 2008, with a broader mission to educate Burmese people on democracy, human rights, legal aid and Thai. Despite close to 25 years of managing the school, the difficulties in maintaining its operation with limited funding and legal standing have been a constant source of stress. In spite of these challenges, Myint Wai is proud that over 20,000 students have graduated from the school.
The Thai government continues to show concerns regarding educational facilities for Burmese migrants, viewing them as potential indicators of a desire to gain permanent residency. This has been exacerbated by the 2021 military coup in Myanmar, which has led to an influx of people seeking refuge. The recent conscription law in Myanmar has further increased the number of students seeking education and legal pathways in Thailand. Myint Wai is actively negotiating with political figures and NGOs to secure support for their education.
Students often face the risk of encountering Thai police, which can prevent them from attending classes. “Thai police are now checking everywhere. Our students are afraid, especially as the Burmese military is not giving migrant workers in Thailand Burmese passports,” he laments, pointing to the precarious legal status of many Burmese in Thailand, including those with expired passports whom the Burmese government often refuses to assist. He also points out the restrictive nature of current policies that prevent migrant workers from changing employers, severely limiting their rights.
Despite this, the dedication of the students is evident in their efforts to attend classes, with some traveling considerable distances. He acknowledges the unique and invaluable opportunity his school provides for them. However, he also observes a growing reluctance among Burmese migrant students in Thailand to become deeply involved in revolutionary movements or efforts to change the political landscape in Myanmar. Keeping this in mind, the school's approach is to focus on providing language skills, knowledge of rights, and general education, aiming to support the agency of students to make their own informed decisions about their involvement in broader issues related to the revolution.
Reflecting on the 2015-2020 transition period in Myanmar, when many people and businesses returned to the country with hopes of building a more democratic and prosperous nation, he chose to remain in Thailand and not relocate or establish an educational presence in Myanmar, despite the increased safety. He explains that his distrust of the 2008 constitution, which significantly limited both civilian control and Aung San Suu Kyi’s authority over the military, was a primary reason. “Before the coup I have been thinking about going back to Burma, but the 2008 constitution, it says that Aung San Suu Kyi cannot interfere in the military! I don’t agree with the 2008 constitution, so I decided not to go back unless a new constitution is drafted.” He also expresses his disappointment with certain aspects of the NLD’s time in office, citing concerns about an increase in the presence of Chinese businesses in Myanmar that he felt often operated against the aspirations of the Myanmar people.
On his own role in the current revolution since the 2021 coup, Myint Wai expresses his willingness to participate in efforts for its success, but notes his respect for the desires of the people within Myanmar. He observes a significant difference in the level of public participation in the current movement compared to 1988, with a greater number of educated people, including those with advanced degrees, actively involved in resistance efforts, even developing sophisticated weaponry in remote areas. “Now, people’s participation is stronger than 1988! Some are learning even better in the forest how to use bullets,” he remarks, speaking to the evolution of the resistance.
He also conveys his profound horror at the Myanmar Air Force’s current actions against the civilian population, including the potential of a continued use of poison gas, echoing his earlier condemnation. “People suffer now every day, everywhere. There are many accidents and deaths,” he laments. “There should be a respect for the people’s desire. That is why it is important that we are strong and powerful in our resistance.”