The Revolution Will be Meditated
Coming Soon…
"I think if we change our country's system, we change everything: religion, education, and the economy. Everything will change", says Ashin Issarya. Also known by his pen name, Minnthonya (Buddha Takkatho), this Buddhist monk and political activist is renowned for his political writings. Minnthonya shares his journey into the world of politics and how it has profoundly shaped his life.
His journey into monastic education began in 1988, when the military government shut down schools following that year’s student uprising. While most monastic students focus solely on Buddhist teachings, Minnthonya took a different path, exploring other religions and cultures as well as the country’s history and politics. His love for literature from a young age led him to form a reading group at State Sasana University in Yangon, where they discussed political events, and wrote articles to raise awareness among monks. However, he quickly realized the challenges of encouraging political thought in a politically repressive society. For example, his attempt to meet Daw Aung San Suu Kyi during her visit to his hometown in 1990 was thwarted by the military, resulting in the shutdown of his reading group.
Seeking more freedom, Minnthonya moved to Mandalay to attend Bodhi University, a private institution free from government control. There, he established a free education center offering computer and language classes. At the same time, he engaged in underground political activities, writing articles and collaborating with activists from the '88 student movement. In 2006, he connected with U Gambira to raise political awareness among monks and civilians, laying the groundwork for the famous movement to come.
Minnthonya recounts how the brutal treatment of monks during a peaceful protest in Pokkoku sparked the need for a response. After discussing, several monks initiated the “Patta Nekku Sanna” boycott, refusing military donations and demanding an apology within 18 days. When the military refused, Minnthonya and others called for a nationwide demonstration, which grew into the Saffron Revolution.
Although over 1,000 monks were imprisoned during those protests, Minnthonya was initially able to avoid arrest because the military knew him only by his pen name. However, his identity was exposed on October 9, 2008, when members of Generation Wave, a political group he worked with, were arrested. Forced to flee, Minnthonya escaped to Mae Sot, Thailand, a couple of weeks later. There, he established another free education center, teaching Dhamma, English, politics, and human rights.
After spending eight years in Thailand, Minnthonya returned to Myanmar during civilian government rule. He resumed his political activities in Hpa-An, Karen State, but was forced to flee again after the 2021 military coup. He relocated to a Karen National Union (KNU)-controlled area and there founded the Spring Revolution Sangha Network, which spreads political messages through media outlets like RFA, VOA, and Mizzima. “I’m talking to people that we must never give up our way. We have to try to get freedom,” he says. “So now, I’m writing and talking through the media. Also, we support people inside [Myanmar] with whatever they need to keep fighting for freedom.”
Minnthonya discusses the shortcomings of Myanmar’s educational system, focusing on the fact that critical thinking is neither encouraged or developed; instead, students have to simply memorize textbook content. Monastic education is no different. “Our country has a lot of monks who have their teacher controlling their mind,” he says. “They are only allowed to study the Buddha’s teaching, not … other religions, other countries, or about a political way.” And so to grasp the real situation in Myanmar, Minnthonya had to rely on conversations between his monastic teachers and visiting politicians. He also references the political knowledge that he gained through Aung San Suu Kyi’s speeches, which she used to deliver during routine Sunday talks at her home.
Although some argue that monks should not be involved in laypeople's affairs, especially politics, Minnthonya holds a different view. He asserts that for monks to effectively teach Dhamma and meditation, political and economic stability in the country is essential. The Myanmar military has held power since 1962, and even during the 2010-2020 civilian government, they maintained control behind the scenes. Like the Czech monk Ashin Sarana, Minnthonya emphasizes that as long as the military remains in control, there will be no true freedom—even in religious matters. “If we have to know the Buddha's teaching deeply, we have to help them [the people], because the monks are also citizens. We have a duty to get freedom,” Minnthonya explains. “If we are living under the military regime, we cannot study the real Buddha’s teaching.” He cites the example of Moe Pyar Sayadaw, U Nyana, a monk who was imprisoned by the military for an extended period due to his taking a critical stance towards traditional Buddhist teachings. Minnthonya feels a responsibility to share the true teachings of the Buddha, and he laments that many monks in Myanmar today are not teaching the true essence of Dhamma, but instead aligning with the military regime. And like his teacher, Ashin Kovida, he believes that working to restore democracy in Myanmar is part of this mission, helping to spread authentic Dhamma and counter false teachings.
“But nowadays, a lot of monks don't practice Caritta Sila. They only show their Varita Sila,” Minnthonya explains, referencing the two teachings of Buddha. Caritta Sila instructs monks to intervene when people commit wrongs, while Varita Sila focuses on avoiding bad deeds themselves. He says many monks today neglect Caritta Sila, opting instead to stay passive. He also recalls a story where Buddha himself intervened in a war over the Rohini River to bring peace. “Some monks say monks shouldn't engage in politics,” he says, “but this is a lie, because our Buddha also did politics.” (Interestingly, this intersection between Buddhist practice and political engagement is not just controversial amongst the monastic Sangha in Burma, but has also vexed teachers and students in the vipassana tradition of S.N. Goenka as well).
Minnthonya explains how the military deliberately fractured the monkhood following the Saffron Revolution in order to weaken its influence. When the military-backed USDP party took power under President U Thein Sein, the government sought to persuade influential monks, such as U Saykina, to form a nationalist group. With financial backing, this led to the creation of the infamous Ma Ba Tha. Despite some opposition from monks who had been involved in the Saffron Revolution, many monastics ended up joining Ma Ba Tha because of U Saykina and other prominent monks, like Sidaku Sayadaw, and U Wirathu. The military then used Ma Ba Tha to push its anti-Muslim agenda. They spread fake news and hate speech aimed at discrediting the NLD and Aung San Suu Kyi, claiming that they were destroying Buddhism by supporting Muslims who would take over the country. This resulted in a deep political divide within the monkhood… just as the military had hoped. Minnthonya says, “In the 2021 [coup], a lot of monks never followed in our demonstration. [Only] a few monks participated,” illustrating how successful the military's strategy has been.
Minnthonya firmly rejects the idea that other religions pose a threat to Buddhism surviving in Myanmar. Instead, he believes it is the military is the one who is truly harming the religion. “We never believe in the military regime!” he exclaims. "For a very long time, [the military] has been destroying our Buddhism. They’ve killed many monks, sent countless others to jail, and destroyed monasteries—even now!” He explains that the junta builds religious monuments to mask their brutality, portraying themselves as protectors of Buddhism. This tactic, reminiscent of ancient Burmese kings, deceives the public into seeing them as religious leaders. According to Minnthonya, it has also always been the military’s tactic to divide opposition forces by using religion as a tool. He cites the military’s strategy with the Karen revolutionaries as an example, where they divided the Karen Buddhists from the Karen National Union (KNU), forming a separate armed group called the Democratic Karen Buddhist Army (DKBA). This division led to the two groups fighting each other instead of uniting against the military.
Drawing inspiration from monks like Myawaddy Mingyi Sayadaw, Mahasi Sayadaw, and Mogok Sayadaw, Minnthonya talks about how meditation has helped him manage the risks of his political work. He has accepted that his life can end at any moment, understanding, through the lens of karma, that he does not control the time he has left. He has chosen to let go of his ego and dedicate his life to doing good—teaching Dhamma and working for Myanmar’s progress. “Okay, whoever kills me or not, I will die anyway,” he says. “I sacrifice. I offer my body and my mind to be good Dhamma for our country.”
Returning to a theme he touched on earlier, Minnthonya highlights how the military junta’s support of certain famous monks and monasteries has led to greed and materialism among these monks, causing them to stray from teaching the true Dhamma. He explains that when meditation centers receive large donations, they often indulge in these luxuries, losing focus on the core wisdom of Buddhism, which is to control the mind and maintain inner peace. “Even some monasteries are not peaceful,” he says. “In the monks' minds, they think, ‘If we open a meditation center, a lot of people will donate!’ So, this way is no good.” He believes that great religious leaders like Mahasi Sayadaw and Mogok Sayadaw, who taught the real practice of the Buddha, left behind a valuable legacy that is now being destroyed by the corrupt political system being manipulated by the military. When monks, who should guide people toward inner peace, instead chase superficial happiness—luxurious cars and big monasteries—it’s no surprise that people, too, begin to prioritize outer comfort over the inner peace that true Dhamma teaches.
Minnthonya also shares his views on the origins of greed within today’s monkhood. He explains that poverty in Myanmar leads many parents to send their children to monasteries, even though they may not be mentally prepared for monastic life. As these novices grow into monks, they become fearful of returning to lay life and facing the same poverty. The ease of monastic life, combined with financial support from the military, causes them to forget their true duty—to teach Dhamma. “In our country, the problem is, as you know, because of a bad system,” he says. He believes that a change in Myanmar's political system will allow true Buddhist teachings to flourish.
Minnthonya is hopeful about the younger generation’s evolving view of Buddhism. Unlike the older generations, who were heavily influenced by traditional teachings, younger people are beginning to question the authenticity of some monks. “This monk is real or not, nowadays they criticize. It is a very good way for our country,” he says. He also rejects the idea that a changing perspective on religion is a threat to Buddhism. “Buddha never founded a religion. A lot of monks say, ’Okay, we have to protect Buddha’s religion.’ But they never obeyed the Buddha’s teaching,” he says. “Never follow the religion. Only practice the real Buddha's teaching.”
After decades of peaceful resistance against the military regime, Minnthonya reflects on the shift towards armed resistance. He believes that the lack of international support for Myanmar’s non-violent efforts has driven people to take up arms in self-defense, leading to the formation of PDFs (People's Defense Forces) after the 2021 coup. However, he stresses that the PDFs act only in self-defense, unlike the military. “When they catch the military regime soldiers, they never kill, they feed them,” he says. “Violent way is only on the military regime's side. Our people, PDF, or ethnic side is never doing the violent way, only the protecting way.”
In the end, in spite of all the present challenges, he remains optimistic about Myanmar's future, both politically and regarding the Buddha’s teachings, believing that the situation will improve when federal democracy is established.