Buddhism after the Coup
The following submission comes from an author who has requested anonymity.
In the aftermath of Myanmar’s 2021 military coup, Buddhism—a central pillar of Burmese society—became a battlefield where the military and resisting monks contested its control and meaning. For decades, the military has skillfully used Buddhism as a tool to legitimize its rule, portraying itself as a defender of the faith. Yet, after the coup, many monks have resisted this manipulation, viewing it as a violation of the very principles they have devoted their lives to. The relationship between the military, the Sangha (monastic community), and the public has become a central aspect of the political struggle, with both sides invoking religious authority to justify their actions. The complexities of post-coup Buddhism reveal deep fractures within the monkhood and broader society, as both compliance and resistance to the junta play out within the sacred realm.
The military’s manipulation of Buddhism is not a new phenomenon. Since the days of the military dictatorship, the ruling powers have sought to align themselves with the country’s most revered monks and institutions, framing their rule as a continuation of the Buddhist tradition of moral governance. A key tool in this effort has been the Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee, the state-controlled body responsible for regulating the monkhood. Composed of 47 senior monks appointed by the Ministry of Religious Affairs, the committee oversees the conduct of monks and enforces the Vinaya (monastic code of discipline). However, the committee’s role extends far beyond maintaining religious discipline; it acts as a mechanism for the state to ensure that monks remain politically neutral or, when necessary, supportive of the regime. This was particularly evident in the aftermath of the 2021 coup, when the committee issued regulations barring monks from participating in political activities, effectively suppressing their involvement in the pro-democracy movement.
These restrictions were reminiscent of the military’s response to the Saffron Revolution in 2007, during which monks played a leading role in the protests against the regime. The revolution, sparked by fuel price hikes and the broader economic mismanagement of the military government, saw thousands of monks take to the streets, chanting prayers for peace and justice. Their involvement gave the protests a moral authority that the military could not easily dismiss. In response, the regime cracked down brutally, arresting and disrobing monks en masse, raiding monasteries, and suppressing dissent within the Sangha. The crackdown exposed the lengths to which the military was willing to go to maintain its control over Buddhism. After the 2021 coup, the junta sought to avoid a repeat of the Saffron Revolution by tightening its grip on the Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee and issuing clear directives to monks to stay out of politics.
Yet, despite the junta’s efforts, many monks have defied these orders, viewing their involvement in the resistance as a moral obligation. For these monks, the teachings of the Buddha—particularly those concerning compassion, justice, and the rejection of violence—stand in direct opposition to the military’s actions. MoeBya Sayadaw, also known as the Blue-Sect Sayadaw, is a prominent figure in this resistance. Having previously been imprisoned for refusing to cooperate with the military, MoeBya became a symbol of moral defiance in the post-coup landscape. When the junta offered him a chance to be released in exchange for signing a statement of support, he refused, choosing imprisonment over collaboration with the regime. MoeBya’s stance highlighted a growing movement within the monkhood, where monks increasingly saw their role as not only spiritual leaders but also protectors of justice. His refusal to bow to the military’s demands reflects the broader struggle within Myanmar’s Buddhist community to define the role of religion in a time of political crisis.
MoeBya’s defiance is part of a broader trend within the monastic community, where many monks have embraced their role as moral leaders in the fight against the military. In rural areas, where monasteries often serve as the heart of the community, monks have historically been involved in mediating disputes, providing education, and offering social services. This involvement has deepened in the post-coup period, as monks have increasingly taken on the role of organizing and supporting protests against the junta. In areas like the Sagaing Region, monks have been instrumental in providing shelter to protesters, organizing food drives, and offering medical assistance to those affected by the military’s violence. Their involvement has not only provided much-needed resources but also bolstered the moral legitimacy of the pro-democracy movement.
The military’s attempts to co-opt Buddhism have not gone unchallenged, but they have been successful in winning the support of some influential monks. Sitagu Sayadaw, one of the most well known figures in Burmese Buddhism, has been criticized for his close relationship with the junta. Sitagu has been involved in large-scale state-funded projects, such as the installation of a water system in the Sagaing mountains, which, while providing significant benefits to the local population, has raised concerns about the influence of money and politics within the monastic community. Traditionally, monks are forbidden from handling money, and the involvement of monks in financially lucrative projects is seen as a violation of the Vinaya. Sitagu’s close ties with the military have led to accusations that he has allowed the junta to use his status to legitimize its rule. For many within the monkhood, Sitagu’s actions symbolize the growing financial and political corruption within the Sangha, which has undermined the moral authority of Burmese Buddhism in the eyes of the public.
The military has long relied on its relationship with influential monks to project an image of stability and righteousness. This dynamic extends beyond Sitagu to other senior monks who have publicly supported the junta or remained silent in the face of its abuses. The junta has used financial incentives to win the loyalty of these monks, offering state resources and protection in exchange for their support. This relationship has been mutually beneficial, with the military gaining moral legitimacy and the monks gaining access to material wealth and influence. However, this alliance has come at a cost. Many Burmese citizens, particularly the younger generation, have become increasingly disillusioned with both the military and the monastic establishment, viewing the growing materialism and political entanglement within the Sangha as a betrayal of Buddhism’s core values.
In contrast, monks who have aligned themselves with the resistance have gained widespread support from the public. Their involvement in the protests has given the pro-democracy movement a moral weight that the military has struggled to counter. For many Burmese people, the sight of monks marching in the streets, chanting prayers for peace and justice, has reinforced the belief that the junta’s rule is not only politically illegitimate but also morally corrupt. These monks have invoked the Buddhist concept of parahita, or community service, to justify their involvement in the resistance. Traditionally, parahita has been understood as helping others through acts of charity and kindness, but for many monks involved in the protests, parahita now includes standing up against oppression and injustice. This redefinition of parahita challenges the military’s narrative that monks should remain apolitical, highlighting the growing tension between traditional Buddhist values and the junta’s efforts to maintain control over the religion.
The concept of parahita has taken on particular significance in regions like Mandalay and Yangon, where monks have organized food drives, medical clinics, and shelters for those affected by the military’s violence. These acts of community service have provided crucial support to vulnerable populations while also serving as a form of resistance to the regime. By providing these services, monks have not only met the material needs of their communities but also strengthened the moral case against the junta. Their involvement in the resistance has become a rallying point for many Burmese citizens, who see the monks as embodying the principles of compassion, justice, and non-violence that the military has so blatantly disregarded.
The military’s attempts to control the narrative around Buddhism are also evident in its censorship of religious texts and teachings. Through the Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee and other state institutions, the junta has long controlled the publication of materials that challenge its interpretation of Buddhism. For example, the Pa Auk method—a meditation practice that emphasizes deep concentration and insight—faced difficulties getting its teachings published because the committee believed it undermined other established methods. Similarly, the revival of the bhikkhuni (female monk) ordination has been stifled by the regime, as the ordination of women is seen as too controversial and potentially destabilizing to the traditional male-dominated monastic hierarchy. The junta’s control over Buddhist teachings extends to the censorship of texts that discuss alternative interpretations of the religion, particularly those that emphasize social justice, gender equality, and human rights.
In conclusion, the state of Buddhism in post-coup Myanmar is one of profound tension and division. The military continues to use Buddhism as a tool for political control, manipulating religious institutions and co-opting influential monks to legitimize its rule. However, a growing number of monks have rejected this manipulation, standing in solidarity with the people and invoking the moral teachings of the Buddha to oppose the junta’s brutality. The divide within the Sangha between those who support the military and those who resist it has deepened, revealing the complex and contested role of Buddhism in the country’s political crisis. As Myanmar continues to grapple with the aftermath of the coup, the future of Buddhism—and its role in the nation’s struggle for justice—remains uncertain. Yet, for many monks and laypeople alike, the fight for democracy is not only a political struggle but also a moral one, grounded in the timeless teachings of compassion, justice, and non-violence.